Qatar pours billions into Washington every year – here’s how and why

Qatar is handing over a $400 million Boeing 747 to the US government for Trump’s presidential fleet, and the deal isn’t part of some arms contract or business arrangement.

Now the Qatari government says it won’t be getting anything in return. It’s just a gift. But behind that shiny plane is a deep pattern: Qatar has been funneling billions into Washington every year, into the military, education, and lobbying circles. This is how it builds influence.

According to The Wall Street Journal, this isn’t the first time the monarchy has handed out jets to world leaders. The emir of Qatar gave one to Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan in 2018. Another one was gifted to Yemen’s Ali Abdullah Saleh.

Even Iraq’s Saddam Hussein got one from the Qatari royal family in 2000. The monarchy has used its deep natural gas reserves to build political goodwill and secure its survival in a tough neighborhood.

Qatar targets the US military, education, and politics

The Boeing 747 deal has drawn criticism from both Republicans and Democrats, who say it poses national security risks. But Trump is defending the move, calling it “a beautiful plane for a beautiful price,” and saying he wants it ready by the end of the year. A senior official in the administration confirmed that the plane isn’t being reconsidered.

Ali Al Ansari, spokesman for the Qatari Embassy in Washington, said the two countries’ militaries are reviewing the possible transfer. Ansari emphasized that the deal is purely symbolic and not connected to any concessions. He called it “a reflection of the strong security relationship” between the two governments.

Qatar’s history with the US military runs deep. Since 2003, the country has spent over $8 billion building and maintaining Al Udeid Air Base, which houses 10,000 US troops and is the headquarters of US Central Command. The US renewed its presence there for another ten years just last year.  

The monarchy’s investments don’t stop with the Pentagon. Qatar has sent more than $6 billion to US universities in the past fifteen years. That money has helped schools like Cornell, Georgetown, and Northwestern operate campuses in Doha, especially in Education City, where Texas A&M and Carnegie Mellon also run smaller facilities. Hundreds of Qatari students attend these American-run programs.

But those funds are under growing scrutiny. Education Secretary Linda McMahon recently mentioned Qatar by name while announcing new oversight rules for foreign education gifts. She said money from Qatar and other countries could be shaping how schools teach about Israel, especially during the ongoing Gaza conflict.

Ansari responded that the accusations were part of a smear campaign, and denied that Qatar has any role in academic curriculums.

Qatar’s influence is also political. When Trump’s first trip to Riyadh in 2017 resulted in a regional embargo against Qatar, the country ramped up its lobbying in Washington. It now employs over 18 registered lobbying and public-relations firms, spending at least $6.5 million in 2024 alone. Federal records show Qatar added four new firms this year.

These firms have been active, often sending texts and calls to lawmakers, including South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham. The goal is to push Qatar’s side on Middle East conflicts, especially Gaza. 

Among the lobbyists was US Attorney General Pam Bondi, former Florida attorney general, who represented Qatar for $115,000 a month until 2020. Her name appears on the memo that cleared the current 747 deal through the Justice Department.

Qatar builds relationships through deals, not demands

Qatar doesn’t always get linked to lobbying the clean way. Robert Menendez, the former Democratic senator from New Jersey, was sentenced in January to 11 years in prison for bribery. 

He accepted money–including gold bars–to help a New Jersey businessman secure Qatari investment from a state-backed fund. No Qatari officials were charged in the case, but the deal was part of a wider influence campaign that destroyed Menendez’s career.

A similar situation hit the Brookings Institution in 2022. John Allen, a retired four-star Marine general and then-president of the think tank, came under FBI investigation for secretly pushing US national security officials to back Qatar in a dispute with other Gulf countries. 

Allen stepped down, and the Justice Department later dropped the case. He denied doing anything wrong, saying he wasn’t paid and believed he was supporting US goals.

Meanwhile, Qatar’s sovereign wealth fund, worth over $524 billion, continues to stretch across US business. Last year, a Qatari fund and a UAE fund invested $1.5 billion into Jared Kushner’s private equity fund, just before the 2024 election. Kushner said investors were told not to expect policy favors.

That wasn’t the only high-profile tie. Just last month, Eric Trump joined a Qatari minister to announce a new Trump-branded luxury golf resort in a larger Qatari-state project. Officials said the agreement was reached before the election, but the timing still raises questions.

Through planes, base funding, university donations, lobbying, and private investments, Qatar is spending billions in the US every year. And as long as that money keeps flowing, Washington will keep listening.

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